Ethnic Politics in Pakistan

Resentment against Punjabis in Sindh go back to 1890s when Punjabi farmers started acquiring lands in Sindh, as claimed on p.79 of the book "The Politics of Ethnicity in Pakistan: The Baloch, Sindhi and Mohajir Ethnic Movements (Routledge Contemporary" by Farhan Hanif Siddiqi:
 https://books.google.com.pk/books?id=tDb6i9x1FKgC&pg=PA79&lpg=PA79#v=onepage&q&f=false


https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=7czT4fipTyoC&pg=PA55&lpg=PA55&dq=Bhutto+udges+punjabi&source=bl&ots=b00ce95naD&sig=WQeSeiqhH0gAZDAfKwj74R6X7DA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj0wcD_pJ3VAhUMKMAKHTbkCcoQ6AEINjAC#v=onepage&q=Bhutto%20udges%20punjabi&f=false
Sindhis got some jobs in ministries of education and communication in Bhutto's time. Wali Khan dubbed Bhutto as Raja Dahir. Extract from page 55 of the book "The Foreign Policy of Pakistan: Ethnic Impacts on Diplomacy 1971-1994" By Mehtab Ali Shah


https://twitter.com/cybertosser/status/836135087720652800
Nov 1931: Bacha Khan enraged Punjabis in Hazaras by insulting Punjabi language and Punjabi culture.

https://twitter.com/cybertosser/status/836136378442235904
https://books.google.com.pk/books?id=tDb6i9x1FKgC&pg=PA80&lpg=PA80#v=onepage&q&f=false
Anti-Punjab sentiment in Sindh before partition


https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=dLkuCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA158&lpg=PA158#v=onepage&q&f=false
Nawaz Sharif tried to open a Punjab TV in 1988. Benazir called him 'GM Syed of Punjab'. Extract from page 158 of the book "Political Survival in Pakistan: Beyond Ideology" By Anas Malik


https://www.dawn.com/news/1094446
Sindhi and Mohjair nationalism and Sufism

http://newsweekpakistan.com/mother-sindh-and-the-making-of-pakistan/
"Sindhi experts diligently collect evidence to underpin the province’s case against the Punjab, solidifying what may appear at times to be mere distrust, in some cases, arising from proven excesses committed by upper-riparian Punjab. Interestingly, the grievances highlighted by the experts go back to the British Raj and the construction of Sukkur Barrage. A distrust of the Punjab and its rapidly expanding “canal colonies” grew in 1901 when Sindh was part of the Bombay Presidency and had put the government on notice about Punjab taking water from rivers Indus, Chenab, Jhelum, Ravi, Sutlej and Beas “without the prior permission of Sindh.” In 1919, a committee set up by the Indian government recommended that the “Punjab government should undertake no new project, till the construction of Sukkur Barrage had been completed and Sindh’s water requirements had been met.”

Sukkur Barrage touched off a nationalism that has many strands now. Sindhi resentment of Punjabi farmers who had relocated to areas watered by the barrage aroused a mild and natural xenophobia against “outsiders” which grew as the barrage brought prosperity and caused old cities to flourish. Migration, external and internal, exacerbated the situation as urbanized populations gravitated to Karachi and stymied the Sindhi farming communities’ own transition from the village to the city. Sindhi sub-nationalism draws strength from its “hydraulic” grievances against the Punjab and the usurpation of indigenous space by external settlers."


http://www.panhwar.com/Books_By_Sani/Pakistan_Under_Bhuttos_Leadership.pdf
Extract from page 106 of the book "Pakistan Under Bhutto's leadership" by Surenthra Nath Kaushik:

However, Bhutto’s political tactics could not contain the challenge of Punjabi regionalism. Opposition parties, like Pakistan Muslim League (Pagaro group), Jamaat-e-lslami and Tehrik-i-Istiglal, assailed Bhutto for ignoring the interests of Panjab province. Bhutto’s erstwhile supporters, G.M. Khar and Hanif Ramay, after their expulsion from the ruling PPP (in September 1975), joined the Pakistan Muslim League (Pir Pagaro group) and launched the ‘Save Punjab Movement’ in October 1975. That posed a serious threat to Bhutto’s political sustenance and national leadership.17 Punjabi militants also demanded release of ‘Hamoodur Commission Report’ before the general election. Influential members of the National Assembly (MNAS) from Punjab, accused Bhutto of ignoring the vital interests of their province. They virulently criticized Bhutto’s socialistic land- reform measures in the National Assembly. Such elements were critical of Bhutto’s alleged prejudice against Punjab and Punjabis, and of ignoring the economic and developmental requirements of Punjab. It was claimed by them that they, on their part, were open-minded and unprejudiced as proven by the fact that they chose Bhutto (a Sindhi), as their leader.18

http://www.panhwar.com/Books_By_Sani/Pakistan_Under_Bhuttos_Leadership.pdf
Extract from page 113 of the book "Pakistan Under Bhutto's leadership" by Surenthra Nath Kaushik:

On the contrary, the ‘Jiye Sindh Front’ leader, G.M. Sayed, vehemently criticized Bhutto for ignoring the genuine grievances of the local Sindhis. In view of Bhutto’s repressive approach, Sayed gave full-fledged support to anti-Bhutto political parties. During PPP-PNA conflict (after March 1977 general election), Sayed supported the PNA for dislodging Bhutto from power. Ironically, Sayed also justified the death sentence given to Z.A. Bhutto by the Lahore High Court (in March 1978).34

...

34 After the announcement of death sentence to Z.A. Bhutto, G.M. Sayed said: “I have committed a mistake in supporting the demand for Pakistan before 1947. The rulers of Pakistan have not given positive response towards the genuine demands of the Sindhi people. Even a Sindhi Prime Minister failed to recognize our genuine demands... Bhutto is a criminal and a symbol of crimes. He has not only plundered the country but also ruthlessly suppressed the Sindhis. He killed and tortured them and turned Sindh into a big jail. Emergency steps should be taken to wipe out his imprints from the country... We supported the PNA movement only to wipe out Bhuttoism.” Jasarat, March 30, 1978, Quoted in POT (Pakistan Series), April 1, 1978.

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/03/opinion/the-other-threat-to-pakistan.html?_r=0
"Anti-India militant groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and anti-Shiite organizations like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi are based in Punjab and draw most of their recruits from the province. But these groups mostly stage their attacks elsewhere in Pakistan to maintain benign relations with the local authorities.

And so the perception that Punjab has suffered less from violence than the rest of the country prevails, creating much resentment. For non-Punjabis, the province’s relative stability is just the latest demonstration of how Punjabi elites rally to protect their own interests at the expense of their compatriots. And such interprovincial rivalries could be as great a challenge for the country’s stability as the Taliban."


http://www.dawnnews.tv/news/1034909/17mar2016-gm-syed-aur-zia-ul-haq-ki-siasi-mulaqaten-akhtar-baloch-bm
http://www.dawnnews.tv/news/1034909
GM Syed and General Zia.

سائیں جی ایم سیّد کی سیاست کا آغاز یوں تو ضلع دادو میں ان کے آبائی گاؤں 'سن' سے ہوتا ہے لیکن بعد ازاں انہوں نے تقسیمِ ہند سے قبل اور اس کے فوراً بعد کراچی کی سیاست میں بھی اہم کردار ادا کیا۔ انہوں نے کراچی میں 1933میں بابائے کراچی جمشید نسروانجی کی خواہش پر موجودہ نشتر پارک (سابقہ پٹیل پارک) کے علاقے میں حیدر منزل تعمیر کروائی۔

حیدر منزل مختلف سیاسی تحریکوں میں کا مرکز رہا۔ حیدر منزل کا دورہ کرنے والوں میں قائدِ اعظم محمد علی جناح صاحب بھی شامل تھے۔ حیدر منزل کا نام سائیں جی ایم سید نے اپنے پردادا سیّد حیدر شاہ سنائی کے نام پر رکھا۔ سیّد حیدر شاہ کو سندھ کی سیاست میں ایک ہیرو کا درجہ حاصل ہے۔

حیدر شاہ نے سندھ میں ارغون دورِ حکومت سے قبل مہدی جونپوری، جس نے امام مہدی ہونے کا اعلان کیا تھا، کی کشتیاں سن کے قریب دریائے سندھ میں ڈبوئی تھیں۔ اس کی بنیادی وجہ یہ تھی کہ حیدر شاہ سندھ کے ایک بڑے عالم مخدوم بلاول سے بہت متاثر تھے جنہوں نے اُس وقت مہدی جونپوری کے خلاف تحریک کا آغاز کیا تھا۔

جی ایم سیّد کی باقاعدہ سیاسی زندگی کا آغاز خلافت تحریک سے ہوتا ہے۔ 1919 میں جلیانوالہ باغ میں ایک المناک حادثے میں انگریز فوجی جنرل ڈائر نے برطانوی راج کے خلاف احتجاج کرنے والوں پر مشین گنوں اور بندوقوں کے منھ کھول دیے جس کے نتیجے میں بے شمار لوگ شہید ہوئے۔ اس واقعے نے سیّد کو بہت زیادہ متاثر کیا۔ 7، 8، 9 فروری 1920 کو پیر تراب علی شاہ اور جان محمد جونیجو کی کوشش سے لاڑکانہ میں سندھ کے بزرگ پیر راشد شاہ 'جھنڈے والے' کی زیرِ صدارت سندھ خلافت کانفرنس کا اجلاس بلایا، جس میں مخدوم معین الدین کہنیاری والے اور سیّد اسد اللہ شاہ ٹکھڑائی کے ساتھ سیّد بھی اس اجلاس میں شریک ہوئے۔

اس اجلاس میں مولانا ابوالکلام آزاد، مولانا عبدالباری فرنگی محلی، مولانا شوکت علی، شیخ عبدالمجید اور دوسرے حضرات شریک ہوئے۔ باوجود نوجوانی کے سیّد نے 17مارچ 1920 کو اپنے آبائی شہر سن میں اس حوالے سے ایک کانفرنس منعقد کی جس میں ترکوں کی مدد کے لیے چندہ جمع کیا گیا اور کئی سیاسی رہنماؤں نے انگریز سرکار کی جانب سے دی گئی مراعات اور القاب واپس کیے۔

سیّد کی گاندھی جی کے ساتھ ملاقات 27 اپریل 1921 کو سن اسٹیشن پر ہوئی جب وہ حیدرآباد سے دادو جا رہے تھے۔ گاندھی جی نے سیّد کو اس مختصر ملاقات میں کھدر پہننے کی تلقین کی اور سیّد نے اس پر عمل کرتے ہوئے 19مئی 1921 سے کھدر پہننا شروع کیا۔

http://www.bbc.com/urdu/pakistan/2010/01/100103_sindh_card_zee.shtml

جنرل ضیاءالحق سندھی وزیر اعظم ذوالفقار علی بھٹو، کی پھانسی کی حمایت کے حصول میں سندھ میں ہی بھٹو مخالف میروں، پیروں، جاگیرداروں، سیاستدانوں اور سندھی قوم پرستوں کو خود سے ظاہر یا خفیہ طور پر ملانے میں کامیاب ہوگئے تھے۔

ان بھٹو مخالف سندھی سیاستدانوں میں پیر پگاڑو، الہی بخش سومرو، محمود ہارون، تالپور برادران اور قاضی بھی شامل تھے۔ ضیاء الحق نے بھٹو مخالف میر رسول بخش تالپور کو سندھ کا گورنر، ان کے بڑے بھائي میر علی احمد تالپور کو وزیر دفاع، قاضی عبدالمجید عابد ( سندھ کے وزیر داخلہ ذوالفقار مرزا کے سسر اور سپیکر قومی اسبملی ڈاکٹر فہمیدہ مرزا کے والد) کو وفاقی وزیر اطلاعات اور محمود ہارون کو بھٹو کی پھانسی کے بلیک وارنٹ پر دستخط کرنے والا وزیر داخلہ بنایا تھا۔

یہاں تک کہ جی ایم سید جیسے سندھی ‍قوم پرستی کے باوا آدم کو ضیاء الحق نے اپنی طرف رام کیا ہوا تھا۔ یہ بھی ایک تاریخی ستم ظریفی ہے کہ زرداری باپ بیٹوں حاکم علی زرداری اور آصف علی زرداری کو بھی ضیاء الحق نے اپنے ریفرنڈم میں حمایتی بنایا ہوا تھا۔ یہ اور بات ہے کہ پنجاب میں بھی جاگیرداروں اور پیروں کی پوزیشن کوئي مختلف نہیں تھی۔ موجودہ وزیر خارجہ شاہ محمود قریشی کے والد سجاد حسین قریشی پنجاب کے گورنر، اور موجودہ وزیر اعظم یوسف رضا گیلانی ضیاء الحق کی حکومت کے وفاقی وزیر بنے تھے۔ یہی حال چھٹہ اور وٹو کا تھا۔

سندھ میں تالپور برادران کو بھٹو کی پھانسی کی حمایت سے روکنے کے لیے بائيں بازو کے مشہور دانشور اور مدیرمظہر علی خان حیدرآباد گئے تھے لیکن وہ ان کو بھٹو کی پھانسی کی حمایت سے باز نہ رکھ سکے تھے۔ پیر پگاڑو جیسے طاقتور سندھی پیر جن کے مرید نہ فقط سندھ بلکہ پنجاب اور ہندوستان تک پھیلے ہوئے ہیں کو جنرل ضیاء الحق نے اقتدارکی سیاست میں بہت بڑا ’پاور بروکر‘ بنا دیا۔ پیر پگاڑو کی ہی سفارش پر سندھ میں غوث علی شاہ کو ضياء الحق نے پہلے سینیئر وزیر اور پھر وزیر اعلیٰ مقرر کیا۔

انیس سو تراسی میں ضیاء الحق کے خلاف ’پاکستان بچاؤ تحریک‘ کے نام پر ملک بھر میں اٹھنے والی ایم آر ڈی تحریک کا زیادہ تر زور سندھ میں تھا جسے ضیاءالحق کے ریاستی و فوجی تشدد نے مزید متشدد بنا دیا۔ دلچسپ امر یہ ہے کہ ضیاء الحق کے خلاف چلنے والی تحریک کو سندھی قوم پرست رہنما جی ایم سید نے اقتدار کے بھوکوں کی تحریک اور ضیاء الحق کی اسٹیبلشمینٹ نے اسے ’سندھو دیش کی تحریک‘ قرار دیا۔ سنہ انیس سو تراسی کی تحریک کے نتیجے میں پاکستانی اسٹیبلشمینیٹ اور میڈیا نے ایک نئي اصطلاح ’سندھ کی احساس محرومی‘ ایجاد کی اور اب ’سندھ کارڈ‘ کے طور پر ضیاء الحق نے اپنے ریفرنڈم اور غیر جماعتی انتخابات کے نتائج میں سندھی وزیر اعظم محمد خان جونیجو کو منتخب کیا۔

’سندہ کارڈ‘ کھیلتے ہوئے ضیاء الحق اسٹیبلشمینٹ اور خفیہ ایجنسیوں نے نہ فقط لسانی سیاست کو مسلح کرتے ہوئے سندھ میں خونی فسادات کی داغ بیل ڈال کر اپنی فوجی آمریت کو طوالت دی بلکہ انہوں نے سندھ میں مزید قبائلی خونریزی کے لیے خانکی ملیشیا، چانڈیو اور مگسی کلہوڑا فورسز کی بھی ہمت افزائي کی۔ اب یہ کھلا راز ہے کہ ڈاکووں کے کئي ٹولوں کو خفیہ ایجنسیوں کے افسروں اور ضیاء کے غیر جماعتی وڈیروں کی پشت پناہی حاصل تھی۔

کئي نامی گرامی پتھاریدار ’ضیا حمایت تحریک‘ کے سندھ میں عہدیدار بنے۔ اسی طرح بینظیر بھٹو اور اس کی پاکستان پیپلزپارٹی کو روکنے کیلیے ضیا نے ’سندھ کارڈ‘ خوب کھیلا۔ سندھی قوم پرستوں کا اتحاد ’سندھ قومی اتحاد ‘ کے نام پر ضیاءالحق نے محمود ہارون اور الہی بخش سومرو کی تواسط سے جی ایم سید کے ہاتھوں قائم کروایا۔

ضیا ء الحق کی موت کے بعد انیس سو اٹھاسی کے انتخابات کے نتائج میں بینظیر بھٹو نے مرکز اور سندھ میں حکومت تو بنالی لیکن اسٹیبلشمینٹ کا سندھ کارڈ کھلینا جاری رہا جس کے تحت پنجاب میں نہ فقط تب کے وزیر اعلیٰ محمد نواز شریف نے ’جاگ پنجابی جاگ ‘ کا نعرہ لگایا پر بینظیر بھٹو حکومت کے خلاف ’پارلیمانی کوڈیٹا‘ کے تحت ان کی حکومت کے خلاف قومی اسبملی میں عدم اعتماد کی تحریک میں فوج کے تب کے سربراہ جنرل مرزا اسلم بیگ نے ایم کیو ایم کے ارکین کوتڑوا کر حزب مخالف کی حمایت کا اعلان کروایا تھا۔ اس سے قبل غوث علی شاہ اور غلام مصطفیٰ جتوئي جیسے تب کے غیر مقبول سندھی رہنماء جنہیں سندھی انتخابات میں ٹھکرا چکے تھے کو نواز شریف نے پنجاب سے ترتیب وار نارووال اور کوٹ ادو سے قومی اسمبلی کے ضمنی انتخابات میں جتوایا

http://www.tajziat.com/article/91
http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:fWIDUTG1rQQJ:tajziat.com/view.php%3Fid%3D532+&cd=4&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=uk&client=firefox-b
http://tajziat.com/view.php?id=532
لیکن ایک پنجابی ایسا تھا جو سیاستدان نہیں تھا، لیکن باچا خان سے اُس کے تعلقات بہتر تھے اور اس نے باچا خان سے ملاقاتیں بھی کی تھیں۔ جنرل ضیاء کی شخصیت میں نہ جانے ایسا کیا کرشمہ تھا کہ جی ایم سید جو کہ پنجابیوں کے سخت خلاف تھے، انھوں نے بھی تین سے زائد بار ضیاء الحق سے ملاقاتیں کی تھیں۔ جناب جمعہ خان صوفی اپنی کتاب ‘‘فریبِ نا تمام’’ کے صفحہ نمبر 492 پر لکھتے ہیں کہ: ضیاء الحق کی کودتا کے بعد ولی باغ کے تعلقات فوجی حکمرانوں سے قریب کے تھے۔ اس ضمن میں باچا خان کئی بار جنرل ضیاء الحق سے ملے اور ضیاء الحق کا باچا خان کے بارے میں تبصرہ یہ تھا کہ‘‘ وہ ایک وفادار پاکستانی ہیں’’۔ اس سلسلے میں دونوں کے بیچ خط و کتابت بھی ہوئی۔ باچا خان نے ایک خط ضیاء کو لکھا تھا، جس کا جواب ضیاء الحق کے دفتر نے دیا۔ یہ خط کابل میں پاکستانی سفارت خانے کے توسط سے آیا تھا۔



http://www.bbc.com/urdu/pakistan/2012/01/120106_assembly_province_debate_rh.shtml
6 Jan 2012:

رضا حیات ہراج نے کہا ‘ہماری تہذیب و تمدن، تاریخ اور زبان پنجابیوں سے نہیں ملتی۔۔۔ یہ اوئے ابا کہنے والی قوم ہے ان سے ہمارا کوئی تعلق نہیں۔۔۔گندم سرائیکی پیدا کرتے ہیں لیکن پنجاب والے دو روپے میں روٹی لیتے ہیں اور سرائیکی دس روپے میں۔۔۔سرائیکی صوبہ ضرور بنے گا۔‘

مسلم لیگ (ن) کے حنیف عباسی اس پر جذباتی ہوگئے اور بغیر اجازت کے اونچی آواز میں رضا ہراج کو غدار قرار دیا اور کہا کہ انہوں نے پاکستان کے خلاف بات کی ہے۔

اس دوران پیپلز پارٹی کے رکن ندیم افضل چن اٹھے اور انہوں نے کہا کہ ہر حکومت کا حصہ رہنے والے، فوجی آمروں کے وزیر رہنے والے یہ جاگیردار اور سرمایہ دار مزے بھی لوٹتے ہیں اور پنجاب کو گالی ان جیسے لوگوں کی وجہ سے ملتی ہے۔ جس پر مسلم لیگ (ن) کے اراکین نے بھرپور ڈیسک بجائے۔ انہوں نے فوج پر بھی تنقید کی اور کہا کہ اصل طاقت تو ان کے پاس ہے اور آج بھی بلوچستان میں اصل حکمرانی آئی ایس آئی اور ملٹری انٹیلی جنس کی ہے۔

اس دوران ایم کیو ایم والے اپنی نشستوں پر کھڑے ہوکر ’صوبے بناؤ صوبے بناؤ‘ اور ’ووٹنگ کراؤ ۔ صوبے بناؤ‘ کے نعرے لگاتے ہوئے ڈیسک بجاتے رہے۔ فاروق ستار نے کہا کہ وہ جنوبی پنجاب، ہزارہ اور فاٹا کو علیحدہ صوبے بنانے کے حق میں ہیں اور اس پر ووٹنگ کرائیں جو بھی اس کی مخالفت کرتا ہے وہ سامنے آجائے گا۔

وزیراعظم یوسف رضا گیلانی نے کہا کہ حکومت نے سرائیکی صوبے کے لیے کافی عرصے سے مہم شروع کر رکھی ہے اور آج اس پر اتفاق ہے اور حکومت کو مطلوبہ حمایت مل چکی ہے۔ ’پہلے اس بارے میں قرارداد منظور کر لیں بعد میں دیگر صوبوں پر جب اتفاق ہو تو وہ قرارداد لائیں‘۔

انہوں نے کہا کہ ایسا نہ ہو کہ سرائیکی صوبے پر اتفاق رائے ختم ہوجائے اور تاریخ پھر ہمیں معاف نہیں کرے گی۔ انہوں نے ایم کیو ایم کو مخاطب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ کہیں ایسا نہ ہو کہ آپ سارے معاملے کو بگاڑنے میں استعمال ہو رہے ہوں۔

اس دوران ایم کیو ایم کے فاروق ستار اور حیدر عباس رضوی وزیراعظم، خورشید شاہ اور نوید قمر سے بات کرتے رہے۔ سید خورشید شاہ نے کہا کہ ان کے درمیاں طے پایا ہے کہ آئندہ سیشن کے پہلے روز ہی دو آئینی ترامیم کے بل لائے جائیں اور ان کی منظوری حاصل کی جائے گی۔

خورشید شاہ کی اس بات پر عوامی نیشنل پارٹی کے پرویز خان نے سخت اعتراض کیا اور کہا کہ وہ کسی آئینی ترمیم کی حمایت نہیں کریں گے جو صوبائی اسمبلی سے اپنے صوبے کی حدود میں ردو بدل کا اختیار چھینے۔

خورشید شاہ نے وضاحت کی کہ حکومت ہر کام آئین کے دائرہ کار میں رہتے ہوئے کرے گی اور صوبائی خود مختاری متاثر نہیں ہوگی۔

https://twitter.com/khabartvpk/status/886169527347814400
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8yt29Ci7X20
10 July 2017:
اگر پنجابی کی جگا کوئی اور  پر حملہ کرتا تو ایسی تیسی ہوجاتی... حامد میر



Ethnic riots



https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=WIg_9GI9a8gC&pg=PA232&lpg=PA232&dq=karachi+ethnic+riots&source=bl&ots=AXyXS3VUCf&sig=2LzxcHr7BfvUYe7jeCSN3UTuoTU&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjmyOiSj87QAhVqIcAKHbJ4A8AQ6AEIVjAL#v=onepage&q=karachi%20ethnic%20riots&f=false
Mohajir-Pushtun riots in Karachi in 1964-65


http://www.nytimes.com/1988/10/02/world/ethnic-rioting-in-karachi-kills-46-and-injures-50.html

1 Oct 1988: Ethnic riots erupted today in Pakistan's largest city, Karachi, in reaction to a massacre Friday in nearby Hyderabad. Forty-six were killed in today's riots and 50 were injured. The reported death toll in the two days of clashes was at least 208.

Doctors said by telephone from Hyderabad that 162 people, most of them from the Muhajir immigrant community, were slain when unidentified gunmen sprayed bullets at crowds Friday evening. At least 200 people were wounded, and hospitals issued urgent appeals for blood donors.

In Karachi, hundreds of Muhajir militants reacted violently, burning stores and cars and attacking police officers, witnesses said. Doctors in Karachi said at least 46 bodies had been brought to hospitals and more were expected. Troops Enforce a Curfew

The authorities sent in troops to enforce a curfew overnight in Hyderabad, 110 miles to the east, and extended it to about a third of Karachi this morning.

It was the worst explosion of violence in southern Pakistan in nearly two years. Ethnic riots have now taken about 600 lives in the region since 1986.

No group has claimed responsibility for the Hyderabad attacks, which were carried out simultaneously in four or five different places toward the end of the Moslem sabbath.

But Muhajir militants in Karachi blamed Sindhi nationalists, who have clashed violently with the majority Muhajirs in Hyderabad in recent months.

Witnesses in Karachi said that in at least two areas the rioting was directed against Sindhis.

The Muhajir National Movement said in a statement that the organization's offices and the house of Hyderabad's Muhajir mayor were targeted by the gunmen, some of whom were masked.

But Syed Alam Shah, a Sindhi, the president of the left-wing Awami National Party, said the attackers had struck at both Muhajir and Sindhi communities.

The Muhajir movement demanded the dismissal of the government in Sind Province that was appointed by the late President, Gen. Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, for failing to provide security for the people. 'Calm and Under Control'

The chief minister of Sind, Akhtar Ali Kazi, flew to Hyderabad today, and the official radio reported that the city of half a million people was ''calm and under control.'' Troops have been ordered to shoot curfew violators on sight.

The violence came at a highly sensitive time for this predominantly Moslem nation of 104 million people.

General Zia's death in an unexplained plane crash on Aug. 17 threw Pakistan into political uncertainty, and parties are maneuvering before general elections on Nov. 16.

The rioting in Sind has traditionally been between the Muhajirs, Moslems who migrated from other parts of British India when it was partitioned in 1947, and Moslem Pathans from northwestern Pakistan.

But since last June the main clashes have been between Muhajirs and Sindhis. The increasingly assertive Muhajir community came into conflict with Sindhis fearful of being turned into a minority in their own province.

Map of Pakistan indicating area of ethnic attacks in Hyderabad that provoked violence in Karachi. (NYT)

http://insaf.net/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/2009/002668.html
June 2004:

The Frontier Post

PAKHTUN STUDENTS SEEKING MIGRATION

Peshawar (PPI): More then 130 Pakhtun Students of Sindh University  
Jamshoru, who leave Sindh University after they were given life  
threats by nationalists’ parties have urged the government to migrate  
them from Sindh University where it was impossible for them to  
continue the studies after being attacked and tortured. “Sindh Taraqi  
Pasand Party (STP) and supporters of other Sindhi nationalist parties  
tortured Pakhtun Students, STP supporters stormed Alama Iqbal hostel  
where Pakhtun Students were staying and badly injuring three  
students, one of them Miandad Hassan was very seriously wounded and  
hospitalized in Haiderabad Civil Hospital after continues bleeding  
for 9 hours as the nationalist warned them to leave university before  
May 28 otherwise Pakhtun Students would be shot dead and would be  
kicked out of the university,” the students who were forced to leave  
Sindh university alleged and urged NWFP government to make  
arrangements for their migration to any of the University out of  
Sindh. Establishing a protest camp out side of Peshawar Press Club,  
the students informed more then 130 students of different parts of  
NWFP were enrolled in Sindh University at Jamshoru where they were  
studding in different departments however on May 21st thy were warned  
to leave the university before May 28 and asked never to return the  
University otherwise they would be killed. “ STP supporters snatched  
our luggage, computers, mobile phones and cash and even we were not  
allowed to attend the exams and asked to forthwith leave the  
university as the university was only for Sindhis not for the  
Pakhtuns,” they told PPI adding that “supporters of STP and other  
nationalist parties attacked the hostels on May 28 and smashing the  
doors and windows they entered inside the hostels, seized every thing  
of Pakhtun Students asking if any of the Pakhtun student were seen  
inside the university he would be shot dead at the spot,” they told  
saying that they had no choice except leaving Sindh university as the  
university administration was not able to provide them protection.  
“yes we requested Vice Chancellor Sindh University Mazhar-ul-Haq  
Sadiqi however VC just offered security at hostel gate showing his  
inability to control the violent students inside the hostel rooms,”  
the students informed and added that provost of the university also  
given the same reply arguing that “STP is a nationalist party and the  
university administration would be able to resolve the issue  
involving nationalist aspect,”. Majority of the students who were  
forced to leave the university belongs to Swat, Dir and Bunir where  
military had been involved in gun battle with the militants had no  
other option except to establish protest camp out side press club.  
“We can not go to Sindh University as we are Pakhtun, were are being  
punished for just very reason that we belongs to NWFP but what  
provincial government in control of Pakhtun nationalist would do for  
we are just waiting for it. We want return of our luggage, computers  
and migration from Sindh University,” they remarked. The students  
were of the view that 130 students of Geology, Pharmacy and other  
departments had left the university at the time when their exams were  
about to start nut they were not even allowed to carry their  
belongings. “STP claimed it is Sindhu Dish not Pakistan therefore  
Pakhtun students have no right to stay,” they remarked and questioned  
what the Pakhtun nationalist government would do for them to save the  
students’ future.

Punjabi army?

Pakistan army is Punjabi-Pushtun conglomerate. Pakistan army is Punjabi-dominated and Pushtuns are the second biggest ethnic group in army after Punjabis. Anyone in doubt should check the domicile certificates of Generals Akbar Khan, Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Gul Hassan, Habibullah Khattak, Ali Quli Khattak, Naseerullah Babar, Abdul Waheed Kakar. Also check the domicile certificates of Air Chief Marshals Hakimullah and Abbas Khattak.


https://jamestown.org/program/musharraf-contends-with-the-pashtun-element-in-the-pakistani-army/#sthash.nRv2sqBK.dpuf
There are no official figures disseminated about the ethnic background of the officers as well as the ranks. Yet the estimation of two leading experts on the Pakistani army, namely Stephen P. Cohen of the Brookings Institution and Professor Hasan Askari Rizvi of Pakistan, indicates roughly that the Pashtun representation in the army is between 15-22% among officers and between 20-25% among the regular rank-and-file. However, Pashtuns from the NWFP, the third largest province out of four, and tribal areas together comprise only 16% of the country’s overall population. Still, these figures are lower than the ratio of personnel from the largest province, the Punjab, which represents 56% of the country’s population. Punjabi representation in the army is about 65% among officers and 70% among ranks. The remaining two provinces of the country, Balochistan and Sindh, consequently make up an even lower percentage of the army. The Pakistani army is often disdainfully dubbed as a Punjabi army by minority provinces. Among the well-informed though, the Pakistani army is considered a reserve of Punjabis and Pashtuns.
A more insightful fact is that out of the 11 chiefs of the army, four have been Pashtuns (Generals Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Gul Hasan Khan and Waheed Kakar), leading the institution for a total of 18 years (Dawn, October 13). Two of them imposed martial law and remained presidents of Pakistan. Ayub Khan, the first Pakistani commander-in-chief of the army, remained at the helm of affairs for eight years as army chief (1951-58) and an additional 11 years as head of the country (1958-69) (Dawn, October 13). Ayub Khan also promoted himself to field marshal in 1965 and is credited with developing the army into one of the most resourceful and powerful institutions in the country. If it is any indicator of his legacy, his hand-painted portrait can often be seen on the back of the trucks driving from one side of the country to the other—as the transport business overwhelming is in the hands of the Pashtuns.

There are no official figures disseminated about the ethnic background of the officers as well as the ranks. Yet the estimation of two leading experts on the Pakistani army, namely Stephen P. Cohen of the Brookings Institution and Professor Hasan Askari Rizvi of Pakistan, indicates roughly that the Pashtun representation in the army is between 15-22% among officers and between 20-25% among the regular rank-and-file. However, Pashtuns from the NWFP, the third largest province out of four, and tribal areas together comprise only 16% of the country’s overall population. Still, these figures are lower than the ratio of personnel from the largest province, the Punjab, which represents 56% of the country’s population. Punjabi representation in the army is about 65% among officers and 70% among ranks. The remaining two provinces of the country, Balochistan and Sindh, consequently make up an even lower percentage of the army. The Pakistani army is often disdainfully dubbed as a Punjabi army by minority provinces. Among the well-informed though, the Pakistani army is considered a reserve of Punjabis and Pashtuns.
A more insightful fact is that out of the 11 chiefs of the army, four have been Pashtuns (Generals Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Gul Hasan Khan and Waheed Kakar), leading the institution for a total of 18 years (Dawn, October 13). Two of them imposed martial law and remained presidents of Pakistan. Ayub Khan, the first Pakistani commander-in-chief of the army, remained at the helm of affairs for eight years as army chief (1951-58) and an additional 11 years as head of the country (1958-69) (Dawn, October 13). Ayub Khan also promoted himself to field marshal in 1965 and is credited with developing the army into one of the most resourceful and powerful institutions in the country. If it is any indicator of his legacy, his hand-painted portrait can often be seen on the back of the trucks driving from one side of the country to the other—as the transport business overwhelming is in the hands of the Pashtuns.
- See more at: https://jamestown.org/program/musharraf-contends-with-the-pashtun-element-in-the-pakistani-army/#sthash.nRv2sqBK.dpuf

 

http://www.dawn.com/news/266159/punjab
Sep 14, 2007: A planned effort is being made to revise the composition of the Pakistan Army by reducing the dominance of Punjab to a considerable level over a period of four years.
In 2001, the Punjabis constituted over 71 per cent of the army. The numerical strength was reduced in later years and has been brought down to just over 57 per cent this year. A further three per cent decrease in recruitment from that province is on the cards by 2011.
The information is part of a booklet titled ‘Information Brief’, published by the Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) Directorate, the official mouthpiece of the Army, released to counter the growing criticism at home and abroad over the composition of the military and the riches it has accumulated over the years, turning it into the country’s biggest corporate giant.
The booklet has also countered the figures indicating the size of the land being controlled by the army mentioned in Ayesha Siddiqa’s book, ‘Military Inc’.
Within a decade (2001-2011), the composition of Pakhtuns in the army would increase by one per cent to 14.5 per cent.
A two per cent increase will be made in the number of Sindhis bringing their total strength to 17 per cent by 2011.
The representation of Balochis, which was nil in 2001, constitutes 3.2 per cent at present. Their composition would be increased to 4 per cent by 2011.
Similarly, with their zero per cent presence in the army seven years ago, the people from Azad Kashmir and Northern Areas now constitute 9.11 per cent of the army. However, their number would be curtailed to 9 per cent in 2011.


https://tribune.com.pk/story/1413232/dr-qadir-magsi-acquitted-1988-hyderabad-massacre-case/
19 May 2017:

HYDERABAD: 

Almost three decades after the September 30, 1988 carnage, a blood-stained chapter of ethnic killings in Hyderabad’s history, justice seems further from the victims’ grasp than ever before. The Sindh High Court (SHC) Hyderabad Circuit Bench upheld on Wednesday a 2003 judgment of a trial court, exculpating 41 suspects, including Sindh Taraqi Pasand (STP) Chairperson Dr Qadir Magsi.

“There is no merit in the appeals against the acquittal. The acquittal recorded by the trial court in favour of the accused was based upon sound reasons, which require no interference at all,” reads the five-page order passed by the division bench, comprising justices Naimatullah Phulpoto and Muhammad Karim Khan Agha. “As such, the appeals against acquittal are without merit and the same are dismissed.”

On that day, which is also remembered as a ‘Black Friday’, around 250 people are said to have been killed in coordinated attacks in different parts of Hyderabad. Armed men in cars and on motorcycles sprayed innocent people with bullets and fled.

At the time, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) blamed Sindhi nationalists for the attacks. The following day about 40 Sindhis were killed in Karachi. Retaliatory attacks continued for months in Hyderabad, leading to migration of Sindhis from parts of old Hyderabad and Latifabad.

Other side: racism of the lowered expectations

G.M. Syed (Sindhi nationalist)

GM Syed was a good man, but like other mortals, he also had his moments.

http://dawn.com/news/1032297

Here is a reflection into his ethnocentric "Sufism":


https://twitter.com/cybertosser/status/836137769780989952
http://gmsyed.org/nation/A%20Nation%20In%20Chains.pdf
"With the settlement of refractory and self seeking people like the Pathans and Punjabis, and the cunning and malicious people like the Biharies, among the open hearted and peace loving Sindhi people, ground shall be laid for social disorderliness and civil strife in the Sindhi Society."

Just like religion, Sufism should also be better kept away from politics.

Khair Bukhs Marri (Baloch nationalist)


https://twitter.com/cybertosser/status/836142846688186368
https://books.google.com.pk/books?id=2-3QcOx2hogC&pg=PA313&lpg=PA313#v=onepage&q&f=false
Extract from page 313 of "The Redefined Dimensions of Baloch Nationalist Movement" By Malik Siraj Akbar: "I can co-exist with a pig but not with a Punjabi."

Also: http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/main/14-Jun-2008/marri-ready-to-negotiate-on-behalf-of-bla-only