Sunday, April 02, 2017

Infidel Jihadis

Napoleon, Wilhelm II, Hitler, Mussolini, Franco, Japan, Stalin, USA invoking jihad to enlist Muslim support.
As diverse as their political ideologies were, Napoleon, Wilhelm II, Hitler and Mussolini, at decisive moments of their careers, all posed in the role of “Protector of Islam” or called for a “jihad” by the Muslim world against their enemies.

Napolean as 'Protector of Islam'
Upon his entry to Alexandria, Napoleon set the precedent of European leaders anxious to win the support of Muslims in their conflicts with a rival European power by proclaiming “You will be told that I have come to destroy your religion; do not believe it! Reply that I have come to restore your rights, to punish the usurpers, and that more than the Mamelukes, I respect God, his Prophet and the Koran”. One of his generals, Jacques Menou, even converted to Islam to help convince the Egyptians of the authenticity of Napoleon’s message and intent.

In an extravagant move, a French naval expedition landed an army of more than 30,000 troops in Egypt to enable Napoleon’s claim to a glory equal to that of the ancient pharaohs. The Mamelukes ('white slave' in Arabic) were the descendents of ex-slaves who became a fearsome warrior caste, mostly of Georgian descent, and had ruled Egypt in the name of the distant Turkish sultan for seven centuries. In just one day, the 29-year-old Corsican ended their rule forever. His victory was awesome. More than 1,600 Mamelukes were killed while the French suffered only 18 fatalities. This demonstration of power briefly led to an acceptance of French rule and Napoleon's cynical offer of posing as The Protector of Islam.

German jihad (World War I & II)
On the response of Bedouin tribes to the Turkish-German WW1 jihad (from The Baghdad-Berlin Express by Sean McMeekin)
Also fun fact: the Shia Grand Mufti of Karbala endorsed the Sunni Ottoman WW1 jihad only after securing financial terms from Germany:
At the outbreak of World War I, German intelligence studied how best to stir Islamic revolts against Britain from India to Egypt. At German urging, in Constantinople, the Ottoman sultan, Mehmed V, issued fatwas calling on all of the world’s Muslims to rise up against the Entente powers. The sultan assured those who might fall to British rifles that they would be glorious martyrs. In Berlin, the Intelligence Office for the Orient sought to foment jihad in as much enemy imperial territory as possible.
Max von Oppenheim, the office leader, outlined the campaign in a 136-page paper entitled “Memorandum on the Revolutionizing of the Islamic Territories of Our Enemies.” His staff included a “vast” number of “academic experts, diplomats, military officials, and Muslim collaborators,” Motadel writes. Their incitements “caused no end of trouble,” a French army report noted during the war, and yet, Motadel concludes, the entire German effort was founded on “a misconception.” It assumed that there was fertile ground for a pan-Islamic revolt when there was none, and it failed to disguise Germany’s self-interested manipulations. “The Muslim world was far too heterogeneous” to respond to a single blueprint for revolt, and in any event, “it was all too clear that Muslims were being employed for the strategic purposes of the Central Powers, not for a truly religious cause.”
Nazi Germany’s leaders also harbored half-baked ideas about messaging to North Africa’s Muslims. Heinrich Himmler was the Third Reich’s most influential advocate of the instrumental use of Islam in war strategy. In the spring of 1943, as Field Marshal Erwin Rommel’s army in North Africa stumbled to defeat, Himmler asked the Reich Security Head Office “to find out which passages of the Qur’an provide Muslims with the basis for the opinion that the Führer has already been forecast in the Qur’an and that he has been authorized to complete the work of the Prophet.”
Ernst Kaltenbrunner of the Head Office replied with the disappointing news that the Koran had no suitable passages for such a claim, but he suggested that Hitler might be advertised as “the returned ‘Isa (Jesus), who is forecast in the Qur’an and who, similar to the figure of the Knight George, defeats the giant and Jew-King Dajjal at the end of the world.” Ultimately, the office printed one million copies of an Arabic-language pamphlet that sought to persuade Muslim Arabs to ally with Germany:
O Arabs, do you see that the time of the Dajjal has come? Do you recognize him, the fat, curly-haired Jew who deceives and rules the whole world and who steals the land of the Arabs?… O Arabs, do you know the servant of God? He [Hitler] has already appeared in the world and already turned his lance against the Dajjal and his allies…. He will kill the Dajjal, as it is written, destroy his places and cast his allies into hell.
Such propaganda “may seem absurd today,” writes David Motadel in his comprehensive and discerning history, Islam and Nazi Germany’s War. And yet one need only review the awkward, cartoonish texts of American propaganda pamphlets dropped on Afghanistan before the US-led invasion of that country in 2001 or the similarly naive pamphlets dropped on Iraq before the US-led invasion to oust Saddam Hussein in 2003 to recognize that the history of ill-considered Western hypotheses about how to mobilize or co-opt Muslim populations during expeditionary warfare is a long one.
Published in 1916, it has a ludicrous plot whereby Kaiser Wilhelm II and his glamorous but merciless female agent Hilda von Einem attempt to stir up a Muslim holy war against Britain, and so vin zee Great Var. Then annexe Britain’s Empire.

Tomorrow London, the day after: the world! Well, truth is stranger than fiction. Unknown to Buchan he was hitting the reality nail squarely on the head: The Kaiser truly did try and organise a jihad targeting Britain during the First World War.
The Kaiser’s embrace of Islam began with an 1889 visit to Turkey, when he enjoyed the dance of the Circassian dancers from Sultan Abdul Hamid II’s harem. A later visit to Jerusalem, then under the auspices of the same flattering sultan, left the impressionable Kaiser declaring that, had he arrived agnostic, “I certainly would have turned Mahometan!” Soon the Kaiser was styling himself “Hajji Wilhelm”, the Protector of Muslims.
There was some method in Wilhelm’s half-madness; the Kaiser was savvy enough to understand that the “Mahometans” might be a secret weapon in his game against a “certain meddlesome Power!”, whose Empire he lusted after.
Great Britain, in other words. In order to tie the Muslim world to Berlin in ribbons of iron, the Kaiser authorised the building of a railway between the German capital and Baghdad in Iraq.
Droves of German military officers were sent to train the Turkish army and navy, the chief Islamic polity, although the role of the men in field grey went far beyond dispensing advice. The German general Liman von Sanders was appointed a marshal in the Turkish army, which effectively became the marionette of wire-pullers in Berlin.
The Young Turk Revolution of 1908, which deposed Wilhelm’s friend, Abdul Hamid II, caused a hiccough to German Weltpolitik. Fortunately for the Kaiser the Young Turk’s minister of war, Enver Pasha, turned out to be more slavishly pro-German than old Abdul the Damned. Almost symbolically, Pasha waxed his moustache in the cow-horn style made famous by the Kaiser himself.
If history is dictated by the concerns of the historian’s day, then it’s surprising more of us haven’t heard the story of the Halbmondlager, or “Half Moon Camp”, a small First World War prisoner-of-war camp in Zossen, near Berlin.
It was like no other PoW camp in history. Reserved primarily for Muslim prisoners, detainees lived in relative luxury and were given everything they needed to practise their faith. Spiritual texts were provided, Ramadan observed, a mosque erected – the first on German soil – and there were sermons by visiting spiritual leaders and academics.
But Half Moon Camp was not some torchbearer for the more enlightened treatment of PoWs ushered in later by the Geneva Convention. It was, instead, the symbolic centre of a spectacularly unsuccessful pet project of Kaiser Wilhelm II: to turn Muslim soldiers fighting for Britain and France into jihadists loyal to Germany. Extensively written about in German history books but elsewhere a long-forgotten story of the Great War, the camp’s extraordinary role is finally being highlighted as part of the renewed scrutiny of the conflict in this centenary year.
The unlikely prophet of the jihad was German aristocrat, adventurer and diplomat Max von Oppenheim. The 54-year-old had returned to the Heimat after 20 years of travel and study in the Orient and, before Britain had even declared war on Germany, had convinced the Kaiser that Islam was Germany’s secret weapon. Oppenheim believed that a well-orchestrated propaganda campaign would stir up a mass Muslim uprising against Britain and France from within colonial territories such as India, Indo-China and north and west Africa.
“A lot of Germans thought he was a crank,” says Eugene Rogan, the author of forthcoming book The Fall of the Ottomans. “He had idiosyncratic views about the irrational extremist way that Muslims would behave.” The Kaiser, though, took him at his word. Wilhelm vowed to “inflame the whole Mohammedan world” against the British and on August 2 1914 a secret treaty between Germany and the Ottoman Empire marked the beginning of a bizarre political marriage between the Kaiser and Sultan Mehmed V.
That same day Oppenheim moved into his bureau in Berlin, the headquarters of his jihad propaganda machine.
The PoWs, who had fought valiantly for the Allied powers in the early battles of the First World War, were prime targets, confined as they were to a controlled environment a short distance from Oppenheim’s HQ. “I’m sure the Germans believed they would be fairly malleable to a message that turned them against the Entente and played on their Islam,” says Rogan.
Muslim prisoners of war were used as pawns in the project right from the start. In early November, when the Sultan – by arrangement with Germany – announced Britain, France and Russia the enemies of Islam from a mosque in Constantinople, the German ambassador in the city followed with a flamboyant announcement on the embassy balcony, flanked by 14 of Germany’s earliest Muslim prisoners, from Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia.
Their duty was to deliver scripted lines in Arabic and Turkish promising the crowds that they would take the German jihad to North Africa. Afterwards, they are said to have carried Karl Emil Schabinger von Schowingen, an ally of Oppenheim’s, in a chaise longue through the streets, encouraging demonstrators to loot and burn any shops owned by the French and English. So the story goes, the affair was crowned with a symbolic flourish when Schabinger's entourage entered the lobby of his hotel and his police escort sent a single bullet into an English grandfather clock.
Hitler's meeting with Allam Inayat ullah Khan Al-Mashriqi.
Documentary on Mufti Amin Husseini collaboration with Hitler
Muslim soldiers fought on all sides during World War 2. Extract from page 72-73 of the book "The Cambridge History of the Second World War: Volume 2, Politics and Ideology" edited by Richard Bosworth, Joseph Maiolo.

France jihad (WW1)
French Muslim soldiers declared war against Germany a 'holy war' (WW1). Extract from page 193 of the book "Race and War in France: Colonial Subjects in the French Army, 1914–1918" By Richard S. Fogarty
French attempts to counter Ottoman call to jihad. Some French commanders fasted with Muslim soldiers in Ramadan. Extract from the page 31 of the book "The Burdens of Brotherhood: Jews and Muslims from North African to France" By Ethan B. Katz.

Call for jihad at Second Comintern International (1920)

Zinoviev appealed to Muslim delegates to wage jihad against British at Second Congress of the Comintern (1920).
Extract from page 261 of the book "The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-1923" by E.H. Carr
Zinoviev’s opening speech, influenced no doubt by the debates of 
the second congress in Moscow, by the changed military situation 
in the west, and by the character of his audience at Baku, struck a 
rather different note. Muslim beliefs and institutions were treated 
with veiled respect, and the cause of world revolution narrowed 
down to specific and more manageable dimensions. The Muslim 
tradition of the Jehad, or holy war against the infidel, was harnessed 
to a modem crusade of oppressed peoples against the imperialist 
oppressors, with Britain as the main target of attack. The speech 
created a sensation and whipped the audience into a mood of 
frenzied enthusiasm. The peroration and the scenes which accom- 
panied it may be reported in the language of the official record ; 

Comrades ! Brothers ! The time has come when you can 
start on the organization of a true and holy people’s war against 
the robbers and oppressors. The Communist International 
turns today to the peoples of the east and says to them : 
‘‘ Brothers, we summon you to a holy war, in the first place 
against English imperialism ! ” (Stormy applause. Prolonged 
hurrahs. The members of the congress rise from their seats 
and brandish their weapons. The orator is unable for a long 
time to continue his speech. The delegates stand and clap 
applause. The cry rings out : “ We swear it ”).
Also in the Manifesto of Peoples of the East, which was accepted by the Baku Congress, ‘holy war’ was one of the signal words, which was frequently repeated. why would the Bolsheviks call for holy war? According to general assumptions, the notorious First world war jihad of 1914 was nothing but hot air as a general revolution did not take place in the Muslim lands of Ottoman Empire’s enemies. However, the picture differs severely when one looks past 1918. In the aftermath of the First world war, there were Muslim uprisings everywhere from North Africa over Middle East and Central Asia to South Asia. One could argue that the jihad of 1914 only catalysed in 1919 reaching its peak in the summer of 1920. In these anticolonial Muslim-nationalist struggles, jihad was not only in the eye of the colonialist beholder, but also on the lips – and probably in the hearts and minds – of those who rallied against colonial rule. Thus, Zinoviev did not need to seek far in looking for ways to mobilise anticolonial Muslim nationalism. But ever since the overtly vocal role the Germans played in the jihad of 1914, ‘infidel’ calls for jihad were broadly suspicious, especially by atheist Bolsheviks.
The Bolshevik approach that ‘religion is the opium of the people’ bedeviled the jihad of Baku 1920 from the beginning on. It is remarkable that ‘Islam’ was never directly mentioned by name in this Bolshevik call for holy war. Even within the whole of the conference proceedings Islam is mentioned only on few occasions.33 Nevertheless, while Zinoviev’s call for a holy war was translated into Turkish, Azeri, and Persian, it was probably translated as jiha¯ d. Even a direct translation as h.arb-i muk.addes, 34 which one can find in some documents, does refer only to the concept of jihad.35
Karl Radek, Comintern's secretary, also made appeals to Holy War at Baku conference (1920). Extract from page 566 of the book "From Ambivalence to Betrayal: The Left, the Jews, and Israel" By Robert S. Wistrich.
The modern relationship of the left to militant Islamism dates to the immediate aftermath of the Bolshevik revolution. At that time, the Soviet leadership was promoting an “anti-imperialist” movement in Asia against the British, French and Dutch colonial empires, and did indeed see militant Muslims as at least tactical allies. For example, at the second congress of the Comintern in 1920, the Soviets showed great interest towards the Islamist group led by Tan Malaka in Indonesia; following the meeting, many delegates decamped to the Azeri capital of Baku for a “Congress of the Peoples of the East”. This event, held in an ornate opera house, became famous for its fiery appeals to the oppressed masses of Asia and included calls by Bolshevik leaders, many of them either Armenian or Jewish, for a jihad against the British.
A silent-film clip recently discovered by the Iranian historian Touraj Atabaki shows the speakers excitedly appealing to the audience who then proceed to leap up and fire their guns into the air, forcing the speakers on the platform to run for cover. One of those who attended the Baku conference was the American writer John Reed, author of the classic account of the Bolshevik revolution Ten Days That Shook the World. (On his return journey from Azerbaijan he was to die after catching typhoid from a melon he bought on the way.)
For decades afterwards, the Soviet position on Islam was that it was, if not inherently progressive, then at least capable of socialist interpretation. On visits in the 1980s to the then two communist Muslim states - the now equally-forgotten “Democratic Republic of Afghanistan” and the “People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen” - I was able to study the way in which secondary school textbooks, taught by lay teachers not clerics, treated Islam as a form of early socialism.

Franco's jihad (1936-9)

Despite Catholicism forming an important part of his nationalist ideology, Franco did not hesitate to recruit Muslims to whom he presented his uprising as a joint Christian-Muslim fight against godless “reds.”
The Moroccans joined a foreign war the real causes of which they knew nothing about, El Attar writes.
Many were recruited against their will, Boutayeb said.
The CMCA wants to take advantage of Spain’s 2007 Law of Historic Memory, which seeks to restore the dignity of Franco’s forgotten republican victims. 
Slimane Betmaki smiles at the memory of the terror he inflicted on Spanish villagers on behalf of former dictator Francisco Franco.
He and many of his comrades recruited to Franco's cause still cling to a belief in the rightness of the fight against suspected sympathizers of Spanish communist "Rojos" (Reds), whom Moroccan conscripts saw as the enemies of religion. 
Now 98, he recalls children, women and the elderly fleeing at the sound of the Islamic prayers he and his fellow soldiers chanted while attacking and destroying their settlements.  

Franco and the rebels justified their insurgency and ensuing war and repression on the need to defend those Christian values which, according to them, were threatened by atheistic communism and republicanism: based on this principle, they considered the alliance with the Muslims to be absolutely valid in a joint struggle against the “Godless ones.” Pursuing this logic, the description “infidel” stopped being applied to Muslims, and was now used to identify the atheists, who were really the ones “without faith”. 2424. Cardona (note 17).View all notes
In an extraordinary initiative that contrasted with centuries of disaccord, poets and writers from the “National” Francoist side sang the praises of the Moroccans who were coming to Spain to defend God against the “red atheists.” Agustín de Foxá wrote a ballad to an imaginary soldier Abd-el Asis and José María Pemán put it into verse “… por eso el moro del estrecho boga. / Viene a luchar por Dios. Dios está al lado / de ese caudillo pálido y moreno, / cara de trigo en flor y alma de trueno.” (“… for this reason the Moor of the Strait rows. / He comes to fight for God. God is on the side / of this pale and tanned chieftain / with a face like wheat in bloom and a soul of thunder.”)
In this theoretical elaboration, Arabists, especially Miguel Asín Palacios, played an unquestionably leading role when it came to highlighting the bonds of fraternity that linked the two peoples. In order to justify the use of Moroccan troops in the war, it was argued that Spain and Morocco, in addition to having common roots, shared the defence of certain “healthy traditional values” based on the principles of their respective faiths. The virtues of the Muslim religion were also emphasised as conducive to reflection, study and science. Another Arabist, Ernesto Giménez Caballero, went so far as to defend the argument that the new state to arise from the Nationalist initiative should take as an example Moroccan social organisations, founded on a solid fabric of corporate solidarity. The list of texts of this period defending these positions is quite extensive. 2525. See, for example, Rodolfo Gil-Benumeya, ‘Mundo musulmán. El Islam es hoy la religión de mayor porvenir social’, La Raza 177 (April 1930) pp. 1–25; Angel González de Mendoza, ‘El Islam y la Civilización occidental’, Africa 53 (May 1946). ‘Inauguración del Instituto Religioso de Mulay Abdeslam’, Africa s.n. (Feb. 1955). ‘El Islamismo, problema de gran transcendencia para España”, Mundo 11 (1940) pp. 26–28; Eduardo Maldonado-Vázquez, ‘El Islam, en el Africa Occidental Española’, Africa 148 (April 1954); Manuel Pazos, ‘Europa, España y el Islam’, Mauritania 361 (Dec. 1957) pp. 489–495. Federico Pita-Espelosín, El Aspecto Religioso-Musulmán en la Zona Oriental de nuestro Protectorado (Melilla, Spain: Postal Exprés s.f.).View all notes
Another major argument used was the fact of a supposed hostility, common to Christians and Muslims, towards the Jews. Confirming one of Franco's great obsessions, he accused the Jews (in the framework of an alleged “Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevist conspiracy”) of being the cause of Spain's decline. Although during the Civil War (and the post-war period) there was no systematic persecution of the Jews, some aggressive acts took place in Spanish Morocco, where the Jewish community was quite large. Anti-Semitic discourse was influenced by some ultra-right-wing intellectuals and mainly confined to the written world as a rhetorical tool to attack the real and imaginary enemies of Franco and his regime. It then addressed its efforts to enlist the support of the Muslim population against the Republicans, because the Jews were invariably situated in that camp. 26 26. I. Rohr, ‘The Use of Antisemitism in the Spanish Civil War’, Patterns of prejudice 37/2 (June 2003) pp. 195–211.View all notesA comic strip character, the young pro-Spanish Moroccan Ben Ali, served as a propaganda element in this sense, being presented as always anxious to accompany his father “who was off to fight for Spain, against the Jews”. 27

Official Francoist discourse did not see any difficulty in the (at least temporary) coexistence of two religions that had, quite often in the past, fought holy wars against each other:
There is no obstacle now separating Spain and Islam; the political concern of the Reconquista, which became a religious war, no longer makes sense; furthermore, scholars from both countries establish the reality of important analogies between the two religions; the fight against the godless nations creating bonds between people who believe in HIM and recognize HIM as the creator and the one and only God. In this aspect, there is no suspicion nor anxiety. 2828. Tomás García-Figueras, Marruecos. (La acción de España en el Norte de Africa) (Madrid: Ediciones Fe 1939) p. 340.View all notes
In certain respects, the attitudes of the Spanish Government confirm this view: from the very beginning, the authority of the Islamic religious hierarchy was recognised, as well as its influence on the population, under the unquestionable spiritual/temporal leadership of the Sultan. The reduction of proselytising actions by the Catholic missions was part of this recognition and was also publicised as a proof of tolerance in contrast to policies of forced conversion in other Spanish colonial settings. The military-administered Hispano-Arabic schools eschewed any attempts to evangelise and instead, sought to impart the teachings of the Koran and what were perceived to be true Muslim values to Moroccan children. The programs of the Spanish schools for Moroccan children also illuminate the strong contrast between Spanish colonialist ideologies in North Africa and those of the French in Morocco and Algeria. 2929. G. Jensen, ‘Toward the ‘Moral Conquest’ of Morocco: Hispano-Arabic Education in Early Twentieth-century North Africa’, European History Quarterly 31/2 (April 2001) pp. 205–229; H. Driessen, ‘The Politics of Religion on the Hispano-African Frontier – An historical anthropological view’, in Eric R. Wolf (ed.), Religious Regimes and State-formation. Perspectives from European Ethnology (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press 1991) pp. 237–260.View all notes
Chartering ships to Mecca, 30 30. V.B.C., ‘Y volvieron los peregrinos de la Meca’, Marruecos19–20 (1950); Mercè Solà, ‘L'organització del pelegrinatge a La Meca per Franco durant la guerra civil’, L'Avenç 256 (2001) pp. 56–61.View all notesfinancing the “House of Morocco” in Cairo, funding the participation of Moroccans from the Spanish Protectorate in Islamic conferences, promoting cultural links with Egypt, and so forth, were displayed by the Spanish Government as evidence of that spirit of religious tolerance (which, by the way, was unthinkable in Franco's Spain itself, where Catholicism did not tolerate any other Christian denomination nor Jewish or Muslim religious practice until the late 1950s). This also served the propaganda concerning the relations of Franco's Spain with the Arab world, which could exhibit it as a proof of international contacts in a period (1939–1953) of severe autarchy and diplomatic isolation.

Mussolini’s Role as Protector of Islam
In March 1937, Benito Mussolini proclaimed himself as “Protector of Islam” following a state visit to the Italian colony of Libya where he opened a new military highway. The occasion was to mark the brutal suppression of resistance to Italian occupation that ended with the execution of a Senussi rebel leader, Omar al-Mukhtar. Italy simultaneously began a propaganda campaign designed to pacify Muslim sentiment around the Mediterranean and deflect anti-colonialist sentiment against the British and French presence in North Africa and the Middle East. 

This policy included secret Italian support of the most extreme anti-Zionist of the Palestinian Muslim political figures, Haj Amin al-Husseini who had been installed in office by the British in 1931 even though he finished fourth in an election of Palestine’s chief religious leader (mufti) by Muslim notables. The British tried to impress the Arab population that even though they were widely blamed for the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate for Palestine as a “Jewish National Home,” they respected Muslim concerns and rights. Ironically, Italian support was provided for the same reason – exploitation of the mufti’s appeal to the most radical fundamentalist Muslim religious sentiment in the expectation that they could “outbid” the British for Arab sympathy.

Mussolini, in a typically extravagant and bizarre dramatization of his manly image, and newly established title of Protector of Islam, arranged for a ceremonial girding on of the “Sword of Islam” in Libya in 1937. At the ceremony in Tripoli, he declared “Italy will always be the friend and protector of Islam throughout the world”. Italian Foreign minister Ciano noted that Islam was totally compatible with the Fascist outlook and added that “The Islamic world, in accordance with its traditions, loves in the Duce, the wisdom of the statesmen united to the action of the warrior.” These statements dashed the hopes of Italian Jews convincing them that Fascism had taken a dramatic turn for the worse and indeed, not long afterward, the Italian leader bowed to Hitler’s will and paid the price for an alliance with Germany by instituting anti-Semitic laws. 

In the Italian campaign of aggression against Abyssinia, the Catholic Church was exploited by Mussolini to lend its approval to a war characterized as one on behalf of Western civilization against African barbarism. Nevertheless, a large proportion of the Italian forces were Muslim recruits from Libya, Eritrea, Somaliland and the Muslim dominated Galla region. Arab volunteers to serve in the Italian forces against the Christian Ethiopians included a contingent from Yemen. The same policy was also followed by General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (see March 2008 issue of New English Review, "Spain in the Sahdow of Bin-Laden).

The Muslims in Northeast Africa had a long hereditary grudge against the Christian majority in the highland areas of Northern Ethiopia and the Emperor Haile Selassie (whose name in Amharic meant "The Power of the Trinity"). Haile Selassie was also referred to by the title “Negus Negast” ("King of Kings" – as the Biblical reference in Hebrew to King Solomon as “Melech haMlachim”). Abyssinia was divided tribally, linguistically and religiously and Muslims resented the new emperor and his power base in the Southern provinces of Harra and Wollo among the Amharan and Tigrepeoples. 

Stalin's jihad (World War II)
Stalin invoked jihad to get Muslim support against Nazis. Extract from the page 971 of the book "The Cambridge History of the Second World War: Volume 2, Politics and Ideology" edited by Richard Bosworth, Joseph Maiolo.
Immediately after the invasion began, the mufti of Tashkent issued a fatwa declaring a holy war against the Germans, Karachai said, but the ranks of mullahs and imams in the Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic had been so decimated in the 1920s and 1930s there were almost no Muslim leaders who could issue a similar fatwa for the Muslims of the Russian Federation.
But despite his complicity in this repression, Stalin was prepared to use any and all means to oppose the Germans, including cooperating with those he had only recently put in prison or worse, Karachai said. After the Tashkent fatwa, the Soviet leader personally turned to the Muslim Spiritual Directorate of Muslims in Ufa and asked it to issue one as well.
Ufa promptly did so, and then in the words of Karachai, Stalin ordered the release from prison of "the Muslim leaders who remained alive" so they could issue similar declarations of a holy war against the Nazis.
Stalin's actions allowed the public face of Islam to survive and even recover slightly, but Karachai was at pains to say that "Muslims did not die for Stalin -- they died in the name of the creator and for the salvation of his creation, the motherland." And he recalled Stalin's expressions of gratitude to Muslims both at home and at the front.

Japan's jihad (World War II)  
Japan persuaded Imam of Tokyo mosque to preach jihad against Allies. Extract from the page 610 of the book "The Cambridge History of the Second World War: Volume 2, Politics and Ideology" edited by Richard Bosworth, Joseph Maiolo.
Shortly before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor that drew the United States into World War II, an American agency known as the China Information Service issued a dire warning that Japan had a “sensational plot” to “assume overlordship of Moslem nations.” Then in 1943, in the midst of the world war, America's Office of Strategic Services, forerunner of the CIA, issued a secret report on this element of the Japanese war strategy. Entitled "Japanese infiltration among the Muslims throughout the world," the report summarizes the program in these terms:

"The Muslim world comprises more than 320,000,000 adherents who cover a huge area of enormous strategic and industrial importance. The goodwill of these people promises incalculable political advantages. Japan is in an unequaled position to capture that goodwill. Thus far Japan has met with signal success in the pursuance of this program. She has expended on it many years of patient labor and has assigned to it some of her ablest political and military leaders. Her cunning and opportunism, her flexible approach and unscrupulous manipulation of the facts have borne fruit in many lands."   
Japanese failed attempts to persuade Indonesian Muslims to declare jihad against Allies. Extract from page 253 of the book  "A History of Modern Indonesia Since C. 1200" By Merle Calvin Ricklefs 
An equally sustained attempt to instrumentalize Islam was made by Japan, seeking to mobilize Asia's Muslims against Britain, the Netherlands, China and Soviet Russia.47 Although Japan had begun its political engagement with Islam in the 1930s – the Tokyo Mosque and the ‘Greater Japan Islamic League’ were both founded in 1938 – it intensified these policies when advancing through Southeast Asia. During the invasion of the Dutch East Indies, Japanese agents contacted local Muslim leaders to support the Japanese incursion, and, after the occupation, military authorities made extensive efforts to co-opt the local ‘ulama. Japanese officials supplied political texts to imams to be read out in their Friday sermons, and instructed them to offer prayers for Tokyo's victory. In the spring of 1943, Islamic religious leaders from the occupied territories were summoned to a conference in Singapore, at which Japanese propagandists proclaimed that Tokyo was the true protector of Islam. A second conference of religious leaders was organized in late 1944, in Kuala Kangsar on the Malay peninsula. From the Japanese capital, the Tatar imam Abdurreshid Ibrahim, the ‘patriarch of the Tokyo Mosque’, preached jihad against the Allies. ‘Japan's cause in the Greater East Asia War is a sacred one and in its austerity is comparable to the war carried out against the infidels by the Prophet Muhammad in the past’, he announced in the summer of 1942.48


Chinese jihad against Imperial Japan
Yuehua [a Chinese Muslim publication] called for jihad against Japan. Extract from page 135 of the book "Intellectuals in the Modern Islamic World: Transmission, Transformation"... edited by Stephane A. Dudoignon, Komatsu Hisao, Kosugi Yasushi
Hu Songshan, a Muslim Imam, backed Chiang Kai-shek's regime and gave prayers for his government. ROC flags were saluted by Muslims in Ningxia during prayer along with exhortations to nationalism during Chiang's rule. Chiang sent Muslim students abroad to study at places like Al Azhar and Muslim schools throughout China taught loyalty to his regime(Sony VGN-Z46MD/B Battery).

The Yuehua, a Chinese Muslim publication, quoted the Quran and Hadith to justify submitting to Chiang Kai-shek as the leader of China, and as justification for Jihad in the war against Japan.

The Yihewani (Ikhwan al Muslimun a.k.a. Muslim brotherhood) was the predominant Muslim sect backed by the Chiang government during Chiang's regime. Other Muslim sects, like the Xidaotang and Sufi brotherhoods like Jahriyya and Khuffiya were also supported by his regime. The Chinese Muslim Association(Sony VGN-Z46GD/U Battery), a pro-Kuomintang and anti-Communist organization, was set up by Muslims working in his regime. Salafism attempted to gain a foothold in China during his regime, but the Yihewani and Hanafi Sunni Gedimu denounced the Salafis as radicals, enaged in fights against them, and declared them heretics, forcing the Salafis to form a separate sect. Ma Ching-chiang, a Muslim General, served as an advisor to Chiang Kai-shek(Sony VGN-Z46GD/B Battery). Ma Buqing was another Muslim General who fled to Taiwan along with Chiang. His government donated money to build the Taipei Grand Mosque on Taiwan.

US jihad (World War II)
After Operation TORCH, US distributed pamphlets that called for a 'great Jihad of Freedom' against Rommel's army.  Extract from the page 971 of the book "The Cambridge History of the Second World War: Volume 2, Politics and Ideology" edited by Richard Bosworth, Joseph Maiolo.

British jihad (WW2)
Sharif of Mecca & Ibn Saud refused to endorse German-Ottoman fatwa of jihad against Allies.
In their efforts to appeal to Islamic sentiment, by the middle of the war the Axis faced competition not only from the British, but also from the Americans and the Soviets, all promising to defend Islam and to protect the faithful. For the Allies, Islam was both a potential threat in their own Muslim territories and a powerful instrument that could be employed in political warfare. Churchill took Islamic anti-imperialism very seriously, urging that Britain ‘must not on any account break with the Moslems’.49 During the war, London made significant efforts to strengthen its ties with the world of Islam. British authorities opened the East London Mosque, and the Churchill War Cabinet decided to build the London Central Mosque in Regent's Park, to demonstrate the empire's respect for Islam.50 Pamphlet and radio propaganda drew on sacred texts – the Qur'an and the Hadith – to legitimize Muslim loyalty to London.51 The Frankfurter Zeitung lamented that London was trying with ‘great effort’ to turn the Islamic world against the Third Reich, accusing ‘British propaganda’ of exploiting the Qur'an to prove ‘an ideological affinity between Islam and democracy’.52 On the ground, British officials employed various local religious figures, among them, for instance, the Mufti of Tripoli, who, in early 1943, made a public statement praising Churchill and Great Britain.53 After the 1941 invasion of Vichy Levant, the powerful Mufti of Lebanon, Shaykh Muhammad Tawfiq Khalid, had already openly called the faithful to support the Allies.54